Themis

              Vol. I.
SACRAMENTO:   SUNDAY,  MARCH 3,  1889.
No. 2.
Themis: published weekly, by A. J. Johnston & Co. Publication
Office, 410 J Street. Subscription—One year, by mail, $3 00: six months,
by mail, $1 50; per month, by carrier. 25 cents. (Entered at the Post
Office at Sacramento as second-class matter.) Editors: Winfield J.
Davis, W. A. Anderson, Geo. A. Blanchard, Elwood Burner.
In our last issue we held that the charter of this city
could be amended under the constitution. Our views
are sustained by very many of the members of the
bar. If we are correct, the matter is one of great importance to this people. That we are correct, we do
not doubt. The inhibitory provision in the present
constitution against local legislation is unreasonable and
absurd; municipal governments in a state so large as
California cannot be successfully conducted under Procrustean and unbending laws. What may apply to
Oakland or Los Angeles will fail in Sacramento. The
constitution provides for the relegation of municipal
legislation to the communities directly interested. It
is perhaps too late to expect legislation at this session,
yet bills can be passed as matters of urgency.
There is one subject upon which reformation is particularly needed—the conduct of our public schools.
The selection ol school directors is now too near to
ward politics. The custom is for the members of
the city committees to make the nominations; courtesy
permits the two members representing a ward to nominate the director from that ward. It has happened
that members of committees have misused this delicate
power. We are not to be understood as saying that
the result has been that our boards of education have
been composed of corrupt nidi. We do say that
men have been selected against whom we could utter
no criticism did we employ them to shovel sand. No
man should be selected to exercise the important function of controlling our public schools, either as superintendent or director, unless he has a reasonable education; he should at least be able to acquit himself in a
competitive examination with a pupil in the intermediate grades. The law should be changed to set the
time for the selection of school directors at general
elections or at the elections in March; the candidates
should be nominated in open, popular convention.
The trustees of the City Library are so named and
selected; that institution has so far been beyond the
reach of politics; it has been conducted with credit
The education of our children is a matter of serious
moment. It should be as far removed from politics
as possible. The naming of the school board should be
taken from political committees. It has happened, and
will, under the present system, that men of limited
education have the absolute say as to who shall control our public-schools. It has happened that directors
have been named without regard to their qualification
to administer the duties of their offices; solely as to
whether they could be depended upon to respond to
the nod of the gentlemen of political influence, without
whom it seems our primary public affairs cannot be administered. We enjoy, with every 'thinking citizen,
contempt for the creatures who are in poiitics for gain;
we are willing that they should have a reasonable latitude; some conspicuous evils seem necessary. However, when it comes to the molding of public education,
we think it is about time that the'line should be drawn.
We personally experienced a very practical illustration of the entire incompetency of some of the members whom the people would not have selected to administer the affairs of our schools had an opportunity
been afforded for the expression of popular will.    A
vacancy occurred in the principalship of one
of the grammar schools. The younger people of
the city— persons who had been educated here,
petitioned for the appointment of a lady to
the place; they vouched for her competency and
executive ability; they met opposition because she
was a woman—England is ruled by a woman. She was
appointed; her administration is not the subject of adverse criticism. It would be a wise idea to select some
of our younger people on the school board; men or
women, fresh from our public schools; it is well enough
to educate our children in geology; we cannot be excused in making our school board an unornamental
cabinet of fossils. %
A state police department or detective organization,
under competent management, would be an excellent
thing. There could be such an arrangement that all
the sheriffs and peace officers of the state could act in
accord, and promptly, thus rendering the escape of
those daring fellows who now are so successful in robbing trains and stages, a matter of impossibility. It
must be understood in advance of any such legislation
that this depal^ient is to be entirely free from any
political influence, and only competent and experienced
officers placed at the head of the association. The
idea that the Governor shall be the supervisor of this-
plan is a good one, and should prevail. It is too late
this session to consummate any appropriate plan, but
it would be well to consider this matter in the future.
The public is most exacting in these .progressive
days. If an editor, orator, minister or lecturer has
anything to say, it must be brief and to the point, else
he will find no readers or auditors. Brevity is the order.
Amid the push, rush and hurry of this world, the busy
man has no time for' long-winded or prolix work of
any character, be it novel, poem, editorial, or speech.
It is an age of epigram. The work of the writer must be
like that of the skillful surgeon upon the injured body—- I
quick and decisive. We must take time to make the |
expression of our ideas short. An eminent divine once
said that he did not have time to make his discourses
shorter. This age demands that the time be taken.
Brevity is truly the soul of wit.
If President Harrison adopts the following suggestion there will be no necessity to employ the old
democratic slogan: Keep the rascals out in the first
instance, and there will be no necessity to turn them
out.
We appreciate the kindly notices of our first issue
by the Record- Union, the Bee, and other contemporaries. We will reciprocate when .opportunity will be
afforded.
Our contemporary, the Leader, came out Sunday in
a full new dress. The appearance of the paper was
excellent, both from the matter contained and the
artistic arrangement. We wish our contemporary all
success.    There is plenty of room for us both.
occurred only a few days belore his death. Henry, as
was his habit when in this city, made the State Library
his resort. He was only at home among books, at the
bar, or upon the rostrum. There were a number of
young students of law seated at the tables of the law
department of the State Library, and Edgerton, in his
own restless manner, was pacing up and down the
room, occasionally giving expression to some idea,
which kept the hearers in raptures of expectation.
Finally he mentioned Blaine's book, which had just
been published. He had carefully read it, and proceeded in his masterly manner to review its contents.
"Blaine/' said Henry, "is a great man, but his book
is not on a level with his genius. There is not a page
of brilliant thought in the whole book. Blaine as a book
writer is a failure. His forum is the House t>f Representatives, where he has no superior. He would never
make a good Executive. His flashes of wit, his eloquence, is only for that forum; no other."
Now, this all occurred before the Chicago convention,
and while Edgerton was a warm supporter of Blaine,
he did not think it policy to nominate him again for the
Presidency. It will be remembered that Edgerton was
the messenger selected to cast California's vote for
Blaine in the Electoral College. Edgerton continued
his remarks, as he paced the floor: "Blaine is a great
man, and can shine only in the halls of Congress. By
the way," said Edgerton, "we have produced some of
the greatest minds, deepest thinkers, most brilliant
orators, of any state in the Union. Look,'' said Henry,
"at Col. Ed. Baker, the old grey eagle ! There was my
ideal of greatness as an orator, statesman and soldier.
What grander eloquence either in ancient or modern
times, do you find than in his oration at the first laying
of the Atlantic cable, spoken in front of the Western
Hotel at the time. Then -his matchless defense of
Senator Peck, for alleged bribery in the famous
Broderick-Gwin contest. I tell you boys," continued
Henry, "that Col. Baker, Ed. Tompkins, and Wirt
Pendegast, had few equals! When it comes to this
line," said he, "I am no slouch myself, and it takes a
pretty able man to lift me out of my boots."
The latter remark is eminently true. No more brilliant orator or scholar ever trod the halls of Congress,
or appeared at the bar, or upon the rostrum than "our
Henry.'' Yet harsh fate so ordained that he never attained the ambition of his life—Congress.
No man in this state was more widely known than
Henry Edgerton—the bright, witty, eloquent, genial,
though erratic Henry. His sad and untimely demise
was a blow upon literature, eloquence,, art and
oratory, felt by every class of people in this state.
Many historical reminiscences of this brilliant man
might be recalled from his contact with the people, in
the halls of legislation, at the bar and upon the rostrum.
A little incident, which forms the subject of this article,
We notice that one of the numerous libel cases
against the Bee is set for trial. This particular case
is that of Eli Mayo, who takes umbrage at the Bee's
strictures in reporting the proceedings of a court,
wherein Mayo is mentioned as one of the dramatis
persona in a disgraceful disturbance in connection with a
woman with whom he had consorted. We are advised
that a fair report of any judicial proceeding, where no
malice is disclosed, is always privileged. It seems to us
that these frequent libel suits cannot be fruitful of any
good, and the only benefit thus far disclosed inures to
the lawyers. In all these spasmodic attempts to gain
doubtful redress, the accusing parties have invariably
emerged from the contest with drooping feathers.
There is little use in trying to prevent the free expression of thought and sentiment guaranteed by section 9
of article 1 of the constitution, which provides: "Every
citizen may freely speak, write, and publish his sentiments on all subjects, being responsible for the abuse
of that right; and no law shall be passed to restrain or
abridge the liberty Of speech or of the press.'' Thus,
where  a newspaper reports a judicial proceeding,  it